

May 29, 2023 - PBS NewsHour full episode
5/29/2023 | 57m 46sVideo has Closed Captions
May 29, 2023 - PBS NewsHour full episode
Monday on the NewsHour, as Congressional leaders push to get their members on board with the debt ceiling deal, we look at what's in the agreement and its potential effects on the U.S. economy. Turkey's President Erdogan secures his grip on power by winning another term in office. Plus, after calls to remove police officers from schools, why some districts are considering bringing them back.
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May 29, 2023 - PBS NewsHour full episode
5/29/2023 | 57m 46sVideo has Closed Captions
Monday on the NewsHour, as Congressional leaders push to get their members on board with the debt ceiling deal, we look at what's in the agreement and its potential effects on the U.S. economy. Turkey's President Erdogan secures his grip on power by winning another term in office. Plus, after calls to remove police officers from schools, why some districts are considering bringing them back.
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Learn Moreabout PBS online sponsorshipAMNA NAWAZ: Good evening.
I'm Amna Nawaz.
Geoff Bennett is away.
On the "NewsHour" tonight: Congressional leaders push to get their members on board with the debt ceiling deal.
What's in the agreement and its potential effects on the But.S.
economy.
Turkey's President Erdogan secures his grip on power by winning another term in office.
The ramifications for that country and the world.
And after calls to remove police officers from schools, why some districts are considering bringing them back.
(BREAK) AMNA NAWAZ: President Joe Biden and House Speaker Kevin McCarthy have a deal to avoid defaulting on the country's debt, but there's still a threat of economic catastrophe if they can't sell it to Congress.
Lisa Desjardins combed through the 99-page bill and is here now with the details and a read on the mood on Capitol Hill.
Lisa, it's great to see you.
You have read the bill, so let's start with the highlights.
Give us a big picture of what it means.
LISA DESJARDINS: The Fiscal Responsibility Act, 99 pages, but we're dealing with very big ideas here.
How large do we want government to be or not?
Let's talk about some of the big bottom lines from this bill from what we saw last night.
First of all, what it would do for spending.
Defense spending would increase next year by 3 percent, not much relative to recent years.
Veterans would be fully funded.
Nondefense spending would decrease slightly.
Now, that depends on sort of what baseline and what math you're using.
Basically, nondefense would stay about the same in this bill.
Now, it would also raise the debt.
It would suspend the debt limit until 2025, January 2025, after we have had the next election.
Let's talk about what it would do for that debt kind of trajectory, which has been so core for Republicans.
This is where we are right now, the current curve, $1.6 trillion dollars.
Let's keep -- this is the spending right now, the U.S., last year.
Here's where the curve was headed before this deal.
Now let's look at what the deal would do if it's passed.
You see it would show that spending would be much less than, about it stabilizes in the end.
Now, some say that that's not enough.
Some Republicans say they want more.
But leaders have been talking about this deal, sending out statements today, including the White House.
President Biden was asked, why didn't he come out in public?
Why isn't he crowing about it more?
Here's what he said.
JOE BIDEN, President of the United States: One of the things that I heard some of you guys saying is, why doesn't Biden said what a good deal is?
Why would Biden be saying what a good deal is before the vote?
You think that's going to help me get it passed?
No.
LISA DESJARDINS: This is part of that needle they all have to thread.
Democrats don't want to say it's too good and scare off Republicans.
Republicans don't want to say it's too good and do the reverse.
AMNA NAWAZ: So, President Biden, Leader McCarthy have to now sell this, right, to members of Congress, some of whom have already been voicing their opposition.
So, let's start with the Democrats.
Where's the debate for them?
LISA DESJARDINS: I want to also talk about what it -- for them, what -- they're looking at who this affects and where it affects.
One thing that's in this bill that is not related directly to the debt is a Mountain Valley pipeline in West Virginia.
Look at that.
This is a controversial project that this bill would essentially fast-track.
It's been waiting for years because environmentalists and some courts have opposed it as dangerous and not well-run.
But this bill, something Joe Manchin, he would get in it from this pipeline.
That's something that progressives say is a huge mistake.
They don't like how it handles environmental permitting in this.
They also don't like that it would essentially stop the freeze on student loan payments.
It would end that in the fall.
They say that's not good for students.
In addition, biggest concern for progressives, work requirements.
We have been talking about that on the show.
Let me tell people what's going to happen, what this bill proposes to do for food stamps, which is where it would make the biggest difference.
First of all, it would extend the current work requirements now to those aged 50 and 54, who are not required to have those work requirements under current law.
Now, it would also exempt veterans, foster youth and those who are experiencing homeless from work requirements.
The White House says, when you put those two things together, you have the same number of people on food stamps.
But there's no question expanding that age for work requirement would mean 100,000 -- 200 or more thousand people would be having those work requirements.
And there's some worry from the left that some would fall off.
On the other hand, Amna, centrist Democrats, the New Democrats, they are 100 members, they seem to be getting behind this bill.
So there are also Democrats who say this is the right way to go.
AMNA NAWAZ: The debate among the Democrats.
What about among the Republicans?
What are we hearing from them?
LISA DESJARDINS: Wow, it is really quite fiery right now in the Republican Conferences on both sides.
There are Republicans -- we have talked about Chip Roy of Texas -- he's important because he sits on the House Rules Committee -- who say this does not cut spending, that keeping spending at the same level more or less is not enough.
Now, he is powerful enough to try and block it in committee in the Rules Committee.
That vote will be tomorrow.
We expect it to be tomorrow.
That's the plan.
Now, in the Senate, we also have a rising tide of concern from some Senate Republicans.
Lindsey Graham, senator from South Carolina, took to Twitter today.
He has a problem because he thinks it does not increase defense spending enough.
He's tweeting here that he will use all of his powers to bring up amendments.
He says there should be like a three-month delay in this process.
That seems unlikely at this point.
But all of this means that we really have concerns on both sides.
And we're at a moment where we don't know which way those concerns will go.
AMNA NAWAZ: We're at a moment as well where the deadline is one week away exactly from today.
LISA DESJARDINS: Yes.
Right.
AMNA NAWAZ: Can they reach that limit?
Can they reach that deadline?
LISA DESJARDINS: All right, I'm going to attempt this on television.
We will see if this work for you guys.
Seven days, right?
OK.
So here's where we are.
Now, it's going to take like three days to get this to the House floor.
Wednesday is the ideal, that it would pass Wednesday on the House floor.
Then it takes another day to get all the way to the Senate.
So then you're dealing with Thursday, Friday.
Most bills take this long in the Senate or this long.
So, to get this through on time, we need senators to agree on a time agreement.
And then you can't have someone like Lindsey Graham or Rand Paul objecting and slowing things down, or else we will run out of time.
It is beyond very close.
They have to thread several needles here at once.
AMNA NAWAZ: I have a feeling it's going to be a very busy week for you.
LISA DESJARDINS: Yes, dramatic.
AMNA NAWAZ: Lisa Desjardins, thank you for staying on top of it.
Lisa Desjardins, kicking us off today, thanks.
Let's focus now a bit more on those questions about what the deal could mean for the economy.
David Wessel joins us here again.
He's the director of the Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy at Brookings.
David, great to see you.
DAVID WESSEL, Brookings Institution: Good to be with you.
AMNA NAWAZ: So, both sides here are claiming victory to some degree.
You heard Lisa's great reporting there on the details so far.
But, as you look at it, from your perspective, what stands out to you about where the compromises were made and what each side -- quote, unquote - - "got" so far?
DAVID WESSEL: Well, I think a lot of stuff in the bill is there so people can say they got something.
And, as Lisa pointed out, that Republicans didn't get all the work requirements they got.
But the Democrats didn't keep work requirements the way they are.
Now, I think the most important thing to remember is this does not solve the nation's debt problem.
The debt will continue to rise.
All of the cuts in this bill are focused on annually appropriated discretionary spending, annually appropriated nondefense spending.
That's only about 10 percent of the budget.
What's driving the debt is Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security, and taxes.
All those were off the table.
So when the debt ceiling expires, the suspension expires in 2025, that happened to be the same year that the 2017 tax cuts expire.
We're going to have a big fight over really long-term fiscal issues, I think.
AMNA NAWAZ: When you look at this deal, now, the limiting the discretionary spending to 1 percent growth, that doesn't even keep up with inflation, right?
So I know the White House does not want to say that's a cut, but do you look at it as a cut?
DAVID WESSEL: Yes, it's a cut, and it's a cut relative to the baseline that the White House and the Congressional Budget Office use.
What's hard here is, we don't know who's going to pay for that.
That remains to be seen, and the 12 appropriation bills will have to be written.
But somebody's budget is not going to be sufficient for them for them to deliver the same services or hire the same number of people they have this year.
AMNA NAWAZ: So I want to ask you about the broader impact we could see here.
Generally speaking, when you see government spending decreasing in the way this bill calls for, what kind of impact could we see on GDP, unemployment generally?
DAVID WESSEL: Sure.
Well, when the government -- the government's going to put less money into the economy than had been projected.
That means there will be a little less economic growth.
The economists who estimate these things say it'll be about between one-tenth and two-tenths of a percent on GDP growth.
So it's negative, but it's not very big.
And whether we have a recession or not will have to do with a lot of other things that are going on in the economy, the Federal Reserve, energy prices, the banking system.
So this will be a minus on the economy, but a small one.
AMNA NAWAZ: What about broader market stability?
I know these talks add a lot of uncertainty, which investors do not like.
Is this at least one good sign?
DAVID WESSEL: Absolutely.
So this takes off -- provided it gets through Congress in the next week, which is a big if, this takes off the table the threat of default and all the hand-wringing about whether the Treasury will run out of money.
And it takes it off the table until January 2025.
So that's one less big worry that the markets and the public have to be concerned about.
AMNA NAWAZ: I want to ask you about a couple of specifics.
This doesn't really add any revenue, right, not that it was intended to, but it does claw back some of that $80 billion that was intended for the IRS, which some estimates said could increase revenues.
What impact could that clawback have?
DAVID WESSEL: Well, the Congressional Budget Office and other experts say that, if you give the IRS money, they get more tax revenue.
So, scaling that back will reduce the amount of money that the IRS will collect.
Now, there was $80 billion approved for the IRS last year.
There's an agreement, although it's not in the text of the bill, to scale that back $20 billion and divert that money to other spending.
But the White House says that the IRS still has access to that $60 billion and can start spending it now.
So, we really don't know what effect it'll have.
But we know the direction, and the Congressional Budget Office will say that we're going to raise less revenue than they would have predicted before.
AMNA NAWAZ: What about some of the details Lisa was just reporting on, on the new work requirements for certain recipients of food stamps, also accelerated permitting for some energy projects?
Do we yet know what kind of economic impact those would have?
DAVID WESSEL: I think the short answer is not much.
Obviously, the work requirements -- the reason people worry about work requirements is not that they don't want people who are on food stamps to work, that they're afraid it becomes a barrier to people getting the benefits to which they're entitled.
So this will hurt some people, but, as Lisa pointed out, other people will be helped.
The permitting stuff is pretty mild.
It sets up some procedures, but it's not nearly the kind of permitting reform that people were looking for.
On the student loans, we're basically at status quo.
The president had said that he expects people to begin paying their student loans 60 days after Supreme Court rules on his proposed forgiveness.
That's now -- what the bill does is he can't stretch that out any longer.
But it doesn't change the status quo.
AMNA NAWAZ: Given where the opposition has been, where we have heard that voiced so far, do you believe President Biden and Leader McCarthy are going to be able to get this to pass?
Can they sell this to each side?
DAVID WESSEL: That's a really good question.
My guess is yes, because I don't think -- I think there are enough members of Congress who don't want the U.S. to default.
Back in 1990 -- I have been here so long, I covered this -- George H.W.
Bush, the president, cut a deal with congressional Republicans that the House rejected, and it took them three weeks to come up with another package that could get another vote, enough votes to get through.
The problem this time is, they don't have three weeks.
So my bet is that this will get through.
But my guess is that there will be some bumpy - - the road will be very bumpy.
AMNA NAWAZ: Bumpy road ahead.
David Wessel, always good to have you here.
Thank you very much.
DAVID WESSEL: You're welcome.
AMNA NAWAZ: In the day's other headlines: Officials say there are no known fatalities or people still trapped in an apartment building that partially collapsed in Davenport, Iowa, yesterday.
A section of the six-story brick structure crumbled in the late afternoon.
Responders were able to rescue eight people.
They're preparing to shift to a recovery operation soon.
MIKE CARLSTEN, Davenport, Iowa, Fire Chief: At this time, the building is structurally unsound, is posing a risk to responders.
And we are actively working for the best course of action for the building.
AMNA NAWAZ: The cause of the collapse is still under investigation.
Authorities say the building was under repair and that they found gas and water leaking inside.
In Ukraine, Russian ballistic and cruise missiles targeted Kyiv's city center today in a rare daytime attack.
Ukraine's military said it shot down all of them.
It was Russia's 16th air assault on the capital this month and came hours after it rattled Kyiv overnight with dozens of drone strikes and cruise missiles.
OKSANA KUDRASHOVA, Kyiv Resident (through translator): It is not the first sleepless night.
If it's very noisy, we spend the night in the hallway.
But this does not change our lives.
We continue to live.
We go on with our lives and keep on enjoying them.
The Russians want to inflict as much damage as possible, scaring the civilian population.
AMNA NAWAZ: Russia has stepped up attacks over the last month, as Ukraine prepares to launch its own counteroffensive to take back territory seized by Russian forces.
Warring factions in Sudan agreed to extend their shaky cease-fire for another five days.
Heavy clashes between Sudan's military and rival paramilitary forces broke out in Khartoum hours before the truce was set to expire.
Nearly 1.4 million people have been displaced since the fighting broke out in mid-April.
The U.N. is warning of a rising food emergency for those who remain.
And Uganda's president has signed one of the world's most restrictive anti-LGBTQ bills into law.
It calls for life imprisonment for anyone convicted of homosexuality, and it mandates the death penalty for those who have same-sex relations with people infected with HIV or with minors.
President Biden issued a statement saying - - quote -- "This shameful act is the latest development in an alarming trend of human rights abuses and corruption in Uganda."
Still to come on the "NewsHour": the state-level battles in America over LGBTQ rights; medical clinics struggle to care for an influx of migrants to El Paso; Native American fashion aims to reclaim its culture with authentic designs; and, on this Memorial Day, a moment to remember and honor those who serve.
After the murder -- apologies.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan won yesterday's run-off election, surviving the biggest challenge to his two decades in power.
The victory cements his grip on Turkey, an important NATO member, despite mounting economic woes, skyrocketing inflation, and poor response to February's devastating earthquake.
At his massive white palace on the edge of the capital city, Ankara, before a sea of supporters who say they would die for him, Turkey's undefeated ruler celebrated his victory.
RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN, Turkish President (through translator): We are not the only winners.
The winner is Turkey.
The winner is our nation with all its segments.
AMNA NAWAZ: But clearly not all.
Hours before, in Istanbul, he branded his opponent pro-LGBT and said there's no place for LGBT Turks in his party.
RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN (through translator): Can LGBT infiltrate the A.K.
Party?
Can they infiltrate the MHP?
Can they infiltrate into the other People's Alliance members?
AMNA NAWAZ: He was part of a chorus heralding another five years in power.
That, should he serve his full term, would make him Turkey's ruler for a quarter-century.
He first became prime minister in 2003, riding to power on anger against the secular political elite.
He was the alternative, a religious, working-class outsider who presented himself as a progressive ally of the West and helped lead the country to economic growth.
But, with time, Erdogan evolved into a political strongman dubbed as Turkey's new sultan.
He cracked down on dissent, arrested critics and journalists, and rules Turkey with an iron fist after centralizing power in the office of president in 2018, which reinforced his one-man rule.
This year, Erdogan faced a unified opposition led by Kemal Kilicdaroglu.
KEMAL KILICDAROGLU, Turkish Presidential Candidate (through translator): We experienced the most unfair election in recent years.
All the means of the state were mobilized for a political party.
All possibilities were laid under one man's feet.
AMNA NAWAZ: Kilicdaroglu accused Erdogan of using public schemes and mass media to tilt the tide in his favor and says Erdogan fought a divisive campaign that polarized Turkey.
HULYA YILDRIM, Turkish Resident (through translator): I look at the people around me who were supporting the opposition, and all of them are resentful.
ALTAY SAHIN, Turkish Resident (through translator): Thank God he was elected.
It's a good result, because Tayyip Erdogan Erdogan is a good leader.
He knows what the people want.
AMNA NAWAZ: The post-election map shows that Erdogan's alliance suffered losses in major urban centers, including Istanbul and Ankara, which contribute more than half of Turkey's GDP.
Erdogan's number one task ahead is to tackle inflation that's more than 40 percent, a collapsing Turkish currency, and the ongoing effects of the February earthquake that killed more than 50,000 Turks, all while steering the nation into what he says will be the Turkish century.
To discuss the impact and significance of President Erdogan's electoral win, we turn to Gonul Tol.
She's the author of "Erdogan's War: A Strongman's Struggle at Home and in Syria."
She's also the founding director of the Turkey Program at the Middle East Institute, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank.
And James Jeffrey spent 35 years as an American diplomat, including as U.S. ambassador to Turkey from 2008 to 2010.
He is now chair of the Middle East Program at the Wilson Center, which is also a D.C.-based think tank.
Welcome to you both.
So, Gonul, as you know, polling earlier this month had Erdogan trailing all of the prospective candidates.
He was facing massive inflation, frustration over the COVID response, over that earthquake response.
How did he win?
GONUL TOL, Founding Director, Middle East Institute Center for Turkish Studies: Well, by basically following the autocrat's playbook, Amna.
He stirred up the cultural war.
He polarized society and framed the elections as an existential war for survival.
And in such polarized context, usually, voters do not easily change their voting behavior.
They tend to forget about the pressing problems because they see that as an existential war.
And that's how he managed to prevent defections, and that's how he managed to keep his base together.
AMNA NAWAZ: Ambassador Jeffrey, you know Erdogan.
When you look at how he won, where he won, in particular, what strikes you?
JAMES JEFFREY, Former U.S.
Ambassador to Turkey: How consistent this has been over the past 20 years.
He wins in the heartland.
He doesn't win in the cosmopolitan coastal areas, and he has a hard time -- it varies, but he had a hard time this time in the Kurdish areas in the southeast, so no surprises there.
This is his base, and he played off of his base, as Gonul said.
AMNA NAWAZ: Ambassador Jeffrey, there is a unified opposition here, though.
Do you think he looks at this win as giving him a mandate of some kind?
JAMES JEFFREY: Absolutely.
He looks at this as a 4 percent victory over his challenger, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, although he realizes that he lost some 6 or 7 percent of his support from 2018.
But I think this is a clear enough victory for him -- and he didn't need much -- for him to think he has a mandate.
He thinks that he has 20 years of rule behind him and that this is giving him another five, which it, in fact, is.
AMNA NAWAZ: Gonul, when you look at the election, would you call it free and fair?
GONUL TOL: Certainly wasn't, Amna.
The elections were not fair leading up to in the days -- leading months leading up to the elections.
I think Erdogan tilted the playing field in his favor heavily.
He used vast state resources and the media under his control to reach out to the voters.
On the other hand, the opposition, its efforts to get his message across were hindered by state institutions, government authorities.
In state broadcaster, for instance, Erdogan got 32 hours of airtime, while his opponent, Kilicdaroglu, only got 32 minutes.
So, the elections were not fair.
But, usually, international observers call Turkey's elections unfair, but free.
And I think that's a huge problem.
We really need to think about -- rethink the way we think about Turkey's elections, because if the incumbent does everything in his power to tilt the playing field so much in his favor, I think the ballot box is already stuffed.
So the elections are not free either.
AMNA NAWAZ: Well, Gonul, what about the way the U.S. looks at Turkey in terms of a partnership?
Turkey is a NATO member.
It stood in the way of NATO expansion before.
Should the U.S. see Turkey as a reliable NATO member?
GONUL TOL: Well, I think the United States already resigned itself to the fact that Turkey is a problematic partner, but it is a NATO ally, and it's learned to live with it, live with disagreements.
So, from now on, I think we will see more of what we have seen in the last years, which is a transactional partnership, where the United States will not care that much about what Erdogan does to his own people, to his own institutions, what happens inside Turkey's borders.
But Washington will work, continue to work with Erdogan on the foreign policy front in places where the interests overlap.
AMNA NAWAZ: Ambassador Jeffrey, do you agree with that assessment?
JAMES JEFFREY: Basically, particularly on the transactional issue by issue, and, there, Washington has had some success.
I would disagree a bit.
I don't think this was a free and fair election, but it didn't cross over the border where Washington would have reacted.
If this had looked like the tearing up of democracy, if it looked like Erdogan didn't have something like a majority, this would have been a huge problem for Washington.
It realizes the problems that Gonul laid out, but they were not bad enough for Washington to react.
Under different circumstances -- and I think people were concerned about that -- this could have been a problem.
It isn't.
We will move forward dealing with the Erdogan we have.
AMNA NAWAZ: How does this complicate, though, Ambassador Jeffrey, the U.S.-Turkey relationship moving forward?
I mean, the fact that his win earned congratulatory messages from both President Biden and from Russian President Vladimir Putin, who called him a dear friend, what does all this mean for the alliance moving forward?
JAMES JEFFREY: Turkey, like Israel and like Iran, although they are closely partnered with the United States on many security issues, have to be careful about Russia.
Erdogan has Russian forces to his south in Syria, to his north in the Black Sea area, and northeast in the Caucasus.
He has a trade and energy relationship with Russia.
He will be careful.
He has also militarily acted against Russia multiple times since 2020 and, most importantly, is absolutely essential to what we're trying to do in Ukraine.
And that's one reason why President Zelenskyy also was one of the first to congratulate him.
It's a very complicated relationship, but, all in all, its beneficial to NATO and to us.
AMNA NAWAZ: Gonul, clearly, his biggest challenges will be domestic in the first few years, of course, this massive economic problems that he's facing.
Can he stave off an economic crisis?
GONUL TOL: Well, it depends on what he decides to do, Amna.
He will certainly be facing a more unstable domestic context.
And the top challenge that he will be facing is the country's economic problems.
And, in the past -- we are where we are, Turkish economy is where it is right now because of Erdogan's unorthodox economic policies.
So, moving forward, many economists expect that, if he stays on that course, Turkish - - Turkey's economic problems will grow.
But he will have a chance.
If he decides to put together a strong group of advisers who can tell him the right things on the economic front, if he can find market-friendly faces, and if also he will have to work with the European Western institutions as well, I think there is hope.
But he could take another route, which is, in the last few years, he relied on friendly autocrats, like Russia, like the Gulf countries.
Those countries injected cash into Turkish economy.
So if he takes that route, I think more trouble is ahead for Turkish economy.
AMNA NAWAZ: Ambassador Jeffrey, when you look into his next five years in office, how do you see it?
JAMES JEFFREY: First of all, as Gonul said, he has to get ahead of inflation.
The Turkish lira is now 20 to the dollar, roughly, and it may fall as much as 26 to 28 in the weeks ahead.
That's the most important thing.
He will maintain his transactional relationship.
There will be no major differences from what we have seen in the past.
What Brussels and Washington can do -- and I think we have seen with these congratulatory messages the first step -- is try to work out modus operandi with this guy to try to advance common interests.
And there are common interests.
But it's not going to be easy.
He's a difficult leader to deal with, as we have seen repeatedly.
AMNA NAWAZ: All right, Ambassador James Jeffrey and Gonul Tol, thank you both for joining us tonight.
JAMES JEFFREY: Thank you.
AMNA NAWAZ: After the murder of George Floyd, school districts across the country reconsidered the presence of police in public schools.
But, as these districts deal with the constant threat of school shootings three years later, many are opting to reverse course, bringing police and school resource officers back on campus.
Stephanie Sy has the details.
STEPHANIE SY: That's right, Amna.
Just to give a few examples, Montgomery County, Maryland, schools reversed their decision to ban police following a shooting at a local high school.
Denver Public Schools suspended their 2020 policy, opting to return school resource officers to certain campuses.
This was after two school administrators were shot earlier this year.
And, in Alexandria, Virginia, school resource officers have also been brought back after multiple incidents with weapons in schools.
I'm joined now by Franci Crepeau-Hobson, a professor at the University of Colorado Denver, who focuses on school violence prevention.
Professor, thank you for being with us.
The police killing of George Floyd brought to light all kinds of police abuse.
Just remind us how school resource officers became part of the conversation about racialized police brutality.
FRANCI CREPEAU-HOBSON, University of Colorado Denver: Well, there's quite a bit of research out there that shows that the presence of school resource officers and other types of law enforcement in the school setting is associated with disparate discipline rates for kids of color.
So, in schools that have school resource officers and other types of law enforcement, we tend to see kids of color being suspended and expelled at disproportionate rates.
So, that's where that comes from.
STEPHANIE SY: And an analysis by the Center for Public Integrity actually found that Black students and students with disabilities were referred to law enforcement at nearly twice their share of the overall student population.
Hasn't there also been discussion about having law enforcement on campus contributes to the school-to-prison pipeline?
FRANCI CREPEAU-HOBSON: Yes, absolutely.
That's been part of the conversation for quite some time.
STEPHANIE SY: OK, we wanted to include the perspective from someone who represents the officers' point of view.
Here's what the executive director of the National Association of School Resource Officers said about arrests of students.
MO CANADY, National Association of School Resource Officers: If you ask just about any of our many thousands of members about arrests, they would say that they really do try to minimize that.
They view arrests -- if they have to make an arrest -- as a failure from a whole system level, but as a failure, because we have so many more resources available to us in the school environment that we don't out on the street.
So, really, rarely do you -- should you be in a situation where you're having to make an arrest in a school, especially lower-level misdemeanor arrests.
Those can easily be things that could be handled through school discipline.
STEPHANIE SY: Professor, do you agree that it is the rare SRO who decides to arrest a child?
Or do you think law enforcement is too often taking the place of school administrators that might more appropriately respond to student misconduct?
FRANCI CREPEAU-HOBSON: Well, I think the answer is, it depends.
If you have a properly trained SRO who is a true school resource officer, and there is a memorandum of agreement between the officer and the school around what that person's role is -- and their role should never, ever, ever be part of disciplinary procedures and practices - - those types of folks are not going to arrest kids at the same rates.
However, there are schools where they have police officers, security personnel who are not properly trained, and there is not a clear agreement around, what is your role in our school?
And I could see -- and that's where those kinds of things tend to go awry, where they are involved in school disciplinary procedures and you have administrators who over-rely on those types of personnel to intervene, when they really shouldn't be.
STEPHANIE SY: A lot of the reason we're having this conversation is just because of mass shootings and the number of shootings on American school campuses.
Too many parents have gotten that text alert on their phone saying, the school is in lockdown, there is an active shooter.
It's relatively rare, but it's become part of our collective fear.
Has taking school resource officers out of the mix in the last few years put students at greater risk of violence?
FRANCI CREPEAU-HOBSON: That's a really good question, and I don't know that we have the answer.
Prevention is a really difficult thing to study.
And because, as you mentioned, school shootings are still relatively rare, even though it doesn't feel like it, it makes it really difficult to determine what contributed to something happening somewhere versus somewhere else.
School violence, particularly student-perpetrated, lethal violence, is a really complex problem.
And there's not a single solution.
And in some communities, having school resource officers might make sense.
But if you're -- if we want to really focus in on, how do we prevent school-perpetrated violence, we have to go beyond things like school resource officers and other physical safety measures and really start to focus on psychological safety as well.
STEPHANIE SY: Professor Franci Crepeau-Hobson with the University of Colorado Denver, thank you so much for joining the "NewsHour" with your insights.
FRANCI CREPEAU-HOBSON: Thanks for having me.
AMNA NAWAZ: More than a dozen GOP-led states have passed legislation banning medical care for children who identify as transgender, with limits on a range of issues, from health care to sports participation, that as Democratic-controlled states have sought to shore up protections.
Geoff Bennett recently spoke with our community's reporters, Gabrielle Hays in Missouri, Adam Kemp in Oklahoma, and Frances Wang in Michigan, about it all.
GEOFF BENNETT: Gabby, we will start with you in Missouri, where the state's attorney general has attempted to ban transition-related medical care.
Where does that stand now?
GABRIELLE HAYS: Attorney General Andrew Bailey withdrew his emergency ruling that he tried to put into place back in March.
And, essentially, what he was trying to do was to use an emergency rule in order to effectively ban gender-affirming medical care for not only minors, but also adults.
That move saw pushback almost immediately from the ACLU, Lambda Legal, and other organizations.
And, also, those organizations looked for a temporary restraining order from a judge, which was granted.
However, now with the attorney general withdrawing his emergency ruling, their focus is no longer on that, but on what moves the state legislature has made as well, which also take a look at gender-affirming care as well.
GEOFF BENNETT: So, there are two bills that the legislature recently passed, as I understand it.
Tell us about them and the prospects of those pieces of legislation.
GABRIELLE HAYS: Well, I first want to note that the Missouri governor, Mike Parson, made it clear this year that, if those bills did not pass, that he would call in a special session.
So, those bills did pass at the very end of the legislative session.
One of them restricts trans athletes' participation in sports, not only in the lower grades, but I believe also college.
The second bill also takes the aim at gender-affirming care, but specifically for minors.
Now, advocates tell me that, though the bills that the legislature have passed may not be as extreme as what the attorney general was trying to do, they are still discriminatory.
They still go after trans rights and the identity of trans people in our state, their existence.
And so advocates are looking for the governor to possibly veto those.
But they did pass the legislature.
GEOFF BENNETT: So, Adam, in Oklahoma, where you are, the state legislature is following up on a 2022 ban of trans students in youth sports with a ban on transition-related medical care.
Tell us about that.
ADAM KEMP: Yes.
Oklahoma Governor Kevin Stitt earlier this month signed this bill into law that effectively bans gender-affirming care here in the state for transgender youth.
Not only does it do that.
It also goes after providers here in the state, making it a felony conviction if they are caught providing that care, and they are referred to their licensing board if they are caught giving that care.
Here's Governor Kevin Stitt earlier this month after signing that bill.
GOV.
KEVIN STITT (R-OK): Minors should not be permanently harmed or mutilated or have gender transition surgeries done.
I think Oklahomans agree with me on that.
And, again, these are minors.
Minors can't get tattoos, buy alcohol.
They can't buy tobacco.
We need to protect our minors.
And this is nothing against an adult.
If you want to get an elective surgery of some kind, that's something that you're going to do as an adult.
But we do have an obligation to protect our children.
So, I have confidence that the courts agree with us that our legislature has the ability to pass that law.
ADAM KEMP: And, Geoff, it's important to note that all major medical associations support gender-affirming care, saying that it not only helps those with gender dysphoria, but bans like this really can further harm those communities.
The ACLU, as well as several families here in Oklahoma have already filed lawsuits saying that this violates their rights under the Equal Protection Act of the 14th Amendment.
Right now, the -- Oklahoma's attorney general says they will not prosecute under this law until those lawsuits are settled.
GEOFF BENNETT: So, Adam, what's been the immediate impact of this new law?
ADAM KEMP: Yes, it's an interesting time here right now in Oklahoma, because what advocates and experts are seeing right now is an exodus of providers.
They were already trying to transition to possibly other states or other fields of medicine, especially on the heels of Oklahoma's total abortion ban last year.
And so, right now, it's leaving those seeking that care to turn to the Internet to crowdfund for both expenses for both travel, as well as these procedures.
GEOFF BENNETT: And, Frances, you're in Michigan, a state that has a Democratic-controlled legislature.
It also has a Democratic governor.
How has Michigan sought to codify protections, not just for trans individuals, but for the greater LGBTQ community?
FRANCES KAI-HWA WANG: In March, Governor Gretchen Whitmer signed a bipartisan amendment expanding the state's 1976 Elliott-Larsen Civil Rights Act to include discrimination protections for sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression.
Now, advocates have been working to get LGBTQ+ civil rights protection since the 1970s.
And Michigan is now the 23rd state to codify these protections against discrimination.
Governor Whitmer has said that guaranteeing equal legal protections to LGBTQ+ Michiganders is the right thing to do and will help businesses attract and retain talent.
GEOFF BENNETT: Our communities correspondents Frances Wang in Michigan, Adam Kemp in Oklahoma, and Gabrielle Hays in Missouri, our thanks to the three of you.
GABRIELLE HAYS: Thank you.
AMNA NAWAZ: An influx of migrants from earlier this year has overwhelmed some local governments on the U.S.-Mexico border.
In the border town of El Paso, nearly 38,000 migrants have arrived since January.
From the Cronkite School of Journalism in Phoenix, reporter Ariana Araiza introduces us to some of the volunteers stepping in to address migrants' health needs as they enter the United States.
ARIANA ARAIZA: For migrants at this El Paso, Texas, clinic, a medical exam could be a lifesaver.
Many have endured the perilous journey to get to the U.S. border.
DR. GLENN FENNELLY, Texas Tech University at El Paso: Many have pressing health care needs, needs for addressing mental health trauma and, in certain instances, addressing the trauma of literally falling off the wall.
ARIANA ARAIZA: That border wall is just a few blocks away.
Migrants have flooded into El Paso in the past few months.
Their sheer numbers have strained the city's social safety net.
Dr. Glenn Fennelly chairs pediatrics at Texas Tech University El Paso.
He carves out time to volunteer at this clinic.
DR. GLENN FENNELLY: Many have walked in shoes that don't have proper soles.
They have cactus needles in their feet.
And many have shared stories of abuse, trauma, rape.
ARIANA ARAIZA: Fennelly leads volunteers from Texas Tech's Border Health program.
The clinic provides free medical and mental health care for migrants.
SOROUSH OMIDVARNIA, Medical Student: Usually, the patients that we see are here for acute clinical needs.
ARIANA ARAIZA: Medical students like Soroush Omidvarnia say migrants health needs can be decades in the making.
SOROUSH OMIDVARNIA: Usually, they haven't had proper clinical care in their life even before coming to the United States.
So, it's really important for us to not just provide care for the condition that just brings them to us, but also find out what other needs they have.
ARIANA ARAIZA: These volunteers are part of a larger humanitarian effort to reinforce an El Paso medical system already overwhelmed by migrants.
On the Mexican side of the border, every day, thousands of migrants cram into Juarez after traveling sometimes hundreds or even thousands of miles.
Diana Urena is one of the lucky ones to make it into the United States.
But, first, she and her newborn son had to wait 16 days in Juarez before their entry was processed.
Robbed on the journey, she has no money, so she bides her time at this shelter in El Paso.
Urena and her family left Ecuador to escape gangs, making their way through the Darien Gap, a roadless jungle that's a dangerous passage point for migrants.
DIANA URENA, Ecuadorian Migrant (through translator): Can you imagine living through that?
In the jungle, you see dead people, you see everything.
On top of that, girls get raped.
I had that fear the whole journey for me and my daughter.
ARIANA ARAIZA: Solangi Uscategi and her family experienced similar trauma on their trip from Colombia.
Once here, Uscategi's husband was arrested on an immigration violation, leaving her and her daughters stranded.
SOLANGI USCATEGI, Colombian Migrant (through translator): I'm desperate.
I feel helpless and alone.
Without my husband and money, I feel helpless.
ARIANA ARAIZA: Back at the medical clinic, the volunteer team does their work under the radar.
The demand for health care is so high, the clinic would be overwhelmed if they advertised their services.
Dr. Fennelly says it's a small solution borne of necessity.
DR. GLENN FENNELLY: This is a humanitarian medical response to a manmade crisis.
ARIANA ARAIZA: For these volunteers, welcoming and healing is how they battle this crisis.
For the "PBS NewsHour," I'm Ariana Araiza with Cronkite News in El Paso.
AMNA NAWAZ: Reclamation, resurgence, resilience, all ways to describe what is happening with Native American fashion and art as it becomes more visible.
Kaomi Lee of Twin Cities PBS in Minnesota met one Ojibwe artist who's helping to create authentic designs and is working with one non-Native company to help reconcile past wrongs.
It's part of our arts and culture series, Canvas.
At her home near Isle, Minnesota, Adrienne Benjamin is part of a growing resurgence in Native design.
ADRIENNE BENJAMIN IAMIKOGAABAWIIKWEI, Artist: I'm designer.
I feel like I'm also kind of a teaching artist, I think, first.
KAOMI LEE: Benjamin has been sewing Anishinaabe regalia and cultural attire for decades.
She's a member of the Mille Lacs Band of Ojibwe in Minnesota.
When she was young, an elder taught her how to make jingle dresses and ribbon skirts to keep the cultural tradition alive.
Now Benjamin's clothes regularly sell out on social media, and the looks are not just for powwows anymore.
ADRIENNE BENJAMIN IAMIKOGAABAWIIKWEI: When I think about it, I think that it's reclamation in a big way.
Even Peggy Flanagan, to be seen, visual representation out there, what that does for indigenous people in general is crazy.
KAOMI LEE: Minnesota Lieutenant Governor Peggy Flanagan is the highest-ranking Native American elected to executive office.
U.S.
Interior Secretary Deb Haaland is a member of the Pueblo of Laguna.
She was the first Native American sworn in as a Cabinet secretary.
Both made their indigenous identities visible.
One of the products that we carry is NTVS, Natives, and they have a whole different clothing line.
They have a lot of different T-shirts.
It wasn't always like that.
Boarding schools forced generations of Native Americans to be ashamed of who they were.
Few could make a living off their art, and that's why it matters now.
TRAVIS ZIMMERMAN, Mille Lacs Indian Museum and Trading Post: So, another company is Round Lake Traditions.
And that's by Herb Fineday.
He's also a Fond du Lac, and he does these denim shirts.
KAOMI LEE: There are also ribbon skirts, sweatshirts, and hats.
And the number of Native clothing brands is growing.
TRAVIS ZIMMERMAN: It's wonderful to see people come in here, especially some of the kids and some of the younger people that want to start wearing these items and take pride in their culture and be able to represent their culture by having a clothing line that's for them and that's designed by people like them.
KAOMI LEE: Today's focus on Native designers in art is an act of resilience to decades of cultural appropriation by non-Native companies.
Zimmerman says anything that uses generic or romanticized Native imagery is probably not authentic.
How is cultural appropriation harmful?
TRAVIS ZIMMERMAN: Well, for one thing, I think that American Indian artists aren't getting credited for their work.
And a lot of times with, like, intellectual property rights and things like, that Native Americans.
If, let's say they have a beadwork design and it gets appropriated and put on a shirt and someone's selling it, it's like, OK, you just ripped off my art.
KAOMI LEE: But it's complicated.
Some big name companies that have appropriated Native designs for years are also beloved by many Native Americans.
Some are now trying to make amends.
Jori Miller Sherer is president and a fourth-generation family member at Minnetonka.
Her great-grandfather got involved in the company in 1946.
Her grandfather joined soon after.
JORI MILLER SHERER, President, Minnetonka: And it was really at that time like a gift shop souvenir company.
That was a time in our country when people were going on road trips.
KAOMI LEE: The Native-inspired moccasin became the bestseller.
JORI MILLER SHERER: Seventy-seven years, for the majority of that time, did not understand cultural appropriation.
And I would say, in the last decade, we have really started to think about it and start to begin to understand what it was and what we were doing.
And there were a few years where we were really paralyzed by fear.
KAOMI LEE: But, in 2019, the company reached out to Adrienne Benjamin, who became a reconciliation adviser.
Sherer says the company's culture and Midwestern nature was to stay quiet.
But George Floyd was murdered in Minneapolis.
And, with Benjamin's help, Minnetonka started to change.
JORI MILLER SHERER: If you're going to do this and do it right, you have to do some serious looking in the mirror, and you have to face things and be open and get past maybe initial self-defense feelings.
And then we, in summer of 2020, published an apology on our Web site and talked about it very clearly.
We called it appropriation, so we acknowledged what it was.
We apologized for it.
We said, come back and check in the fall, and we're going to have more of a plan.
Coming this summer is this collaboration with Adrienne.
KAOMI LEE: Minnetonka also changed its logo, and it collaborated with Adrienne Benjamin on a line of beaded hats and with another Native American designer, Lucie Skjefte, on a new beaded moccasin design.
The company also donates to Native American nonprofits.
But change takes time.
A culturally appropriated beaded Thunderbird design is still in its product line.
Sherer, who's in her late 30s, says that too is getting a makeover.
It's these efforts that have convinced Benjamin the company wants to do better.
ADRIENNE BENJAMIN IAMIKOGAABAWIIKWEI: That revolution has to come through allyship.
And I know a lot of people maybe don't think that, and that's OK, but I think, like, people can and deserve an opportunity to, like, right their wrongs.
KAOMI LEE: For the "PBS NewsHour," I'm Kaomi Lee in St. Paul, Minnesota.
GEOFF BENNETT: On this Memorial Day, we hear from the president, secretary of defense and the chair of the Joint Chiefs.
They all participated in the annual commemoration of this solemn day at Arlington National Cemetery and spoke of sacrifice, remembrance, grief, and the last full measure of devotion so many have given so that the United States might endure.
JOE BIDEN, President of the United States: Today, we once again gather in this sacred place, at this solemn hour to honor fallen heroes.
GEN. MARK MILLEY, Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff: This land where we stand today once housed three fort sentinels which overlooked and defended Washington, D.C., but now it serves a more solemn purpose.
It is the final resting place of our nation's bravest, a quiet testament to their sacrifice.
JOE BIDEN: We must never forget the lives these flags, flowers, and marble markers represent, a mother, a father, a son, a daughter, a sister, a spouse, a friend, an American.
LLOYD AUSTIN, U.S. Secretary of Defense: Every fallen hero has a story.
It is our duty to remember those we have lost.
It is our honor to stand with their families.
JOE BIDEN: Every year, we remember.
And every year, it never gets easier.
GEN. MARK MILLEY: Our nation's fallen are not only represented on these hallowed grounds.
They are represented on every piece of land where American blood has been spilled.
Sailors lie forever entombed in the twisted hull of the USS Arizona resting in the seabed at Pearl Harbor, and the white headstones of 9,387 Americans enshrined outside Saint-Laurent-sur-Mer in France overlooking the sands of Omaha Beach, as well as the more than 81,500 Americans who still remain missing, our sons and daughters, brothers and sisters who have never returned home.
The search for these missing will continue.
JOE BIDEN: A hundred and fifty-five years ago, our ancestors stood here and asked themselves, what brought our heroes to this hallowed ground?
Today, we must ask ourselves what can we do, what must we do to uphold the vision for which they lived and which they died?
Today, it's on all of us -- all of us -- to ensure that sacrifice was not in vain.
(TAPS PLAYING) AMNA NAWAZ: A day to remember, to reflect and to give our thanks.
And that is the "NewsHour" for tonight.
I'm Amna Nawaz.
On behalf of the entire "NewsHour" team, thank you for joining us.
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